Bridging Japanese/North American Differences (Communicating by William B. Gudykunst

By William B. Gudykunst

During this quantity, Gudykunst applies his world-renowned method of intercultural conversation to the specifics of Japanese//North American conversation. After laying out the fundamental theories of intercultural conversation, the authors clarify the similarities and ameliorations in styles of conversation in Japan and the U.S.. They then reveal how an realizing of those contrasting styles can assist jap and North americans speak extra successfully. by means of reading matters similar to attitudes and stereotypes, how one can deepen the knowledge of eastern behaviour are advised. additionally mentioned are the standards that effect motivation, wisdom and talents to extend communique effectiveness.

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Triandis et ai. conclude that "the Japanese feel honored when their ingroups are honored and pay attention to the views of some, but not all, ingroups; they subordinate their goals to the goals of some ingroups" (p. 333). One problem with this study is that the researchers did not take into consideration the degree to which the respondents identified with their culture. Gudykunst, Nishida, Chung, and Sudweeks (1992) found that strength of cultural identity and perceived typicality influence the individualistic and collectivistic values that students in Japan and the United States hold.

Although these terms are not heavily value laden in the United States, the translations of both terms are value laden in Japan. Ito (1989b), for example, points out that Japanese scholars do not use the translation of the term collectivism, zentaishugi, because it often is used to refer to dictatorial political systems. Rather, they use terms like "group oriented" (shudanshugi\ Nakane, 1970, among others), "relationalism" (aidagarashugi; Kumon, 1982), "contextualism" (kanjinshugi\ Hamaguchi, 1982), or "interindividualism" (saijinshugi\ Ito, 1989a).

Low and high power distance tendencies exist in all cultures, but one tends to predominate. Based on Hofstede's (1980) scores, Japan (54) and the United States (40) are relatively similar on this dimension. Hofstede's scores, however, may not be an accurate reflection of where Japan and the United States fall on this dimension. Nakane (1970), for example, points out that in Japan "if we postulate a social group embracing members with various different attributes, the method of tying together the constituent members will be based on the vertical relation" (p.

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