By Fred K. Drogula
During this paintings, Fred Drogula experiences the improvement of Roman provincial command utilizing the phrases and ideas of the Romans themselves as reference issues. starting within the earliest years of the republic, Drogula argues, provincial command was once now not a uniform suggestion fastened in confident legislation yet really a dynamic set of principles formed via conventional perform. as a result, because the Roman kingdom grew, strategies of authority, keep watch over over territory, and armed forces energy underwent continuous transformation. this flexibility was once a big source for the Romans because it enabled them to answer new army demanding situations in powerful methods. however it was once additionally a resource of clash over the jobs and definitions of strength. the increase of renowned politics within the overdue republic enabled males like Pompey and Caesar to take advantage of their substantial effect to control the versatile traditions of army command for his or her personal virtue. Later, Augustus used nominal provincial instructions to assuage the senate while he targeted army and governing energy lower than his personal keep watch over by means of claiming ideally suited rule. In doing so, he laid the basis for the early empire's ideas of command.
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Extra resources for Commanders and Command in the Roman Republic and Early Empire (Studies in the History of Greece and Rome)
38 Saying that Rome’s earliest commanders were praetors, therefore, does not obligate us to envisage any kind of official, legally defined, or even elected magistracy. A gradual and less- deterministic evolution is more likely, in which an oligarchy seized control of Rome following the exile of its last monarch, and members of that oligarchy took on the task of military leadership under the generic title of praetor. The archaic term praetor could denote an aristocrat leading his own men in a private military foray of some sort, but it could also refer to a man leading a large army that incorporated the military resources of several—or even all—of the aristocracy.
Hal. 10. Alföldi (1965) 312 suggests that the Horatii and Curiatii may have lived close to each other. 45. ). 46. Tarquinius: Dion. Hal. 2 (cf. 1–12). Servius Tullius: ILS 212, see Gjerstad (1967) 270–75, Ogilvie (1976) 88, Cornell (1995) 133–38, and Raaflaub (2010) 131. 4–5, Gell. 8, Dion. Hal. 3, Tac. Ann. 24, App. Kings 12, Plut. Popl. 2–3, and see Alföldi (1965) 160 and Ogilvie (1976) 90. Cn. 6. 5, Dion. Hal. 7, and see Cornell (1995) 145. 47. Dion. Hal. 2. See Momigliano (1963) 103–7, Gjerstad (1967) 270– 74, Cornell (1995) 143–50 and (2003) 86–88, Rawlings (1999) 104–6, Oakley (2004) 20, Serrati (2011) 12–13.
Dion. Hal. 6. See Cornell (2000) 219–20. On the Cassian Treaty: Cic. Balb. 4 and 9, Dion. Hal. 1–2. 72. Cornell (1995) 297 makes this point most clearly: “The consistent and unequivocal view of our sources [is] that Rome was never a member of a general Latin alliance. In fact, the traditional account maintains that the League was a political coalition of Latin states formed in opposition to Rome. ” 73. The manuscript reads imperatores, but Coli (1951) 163 has rightly amended this to imperatorem.