Militarization, Democracy, and Development: The Perils of by Kirk S. Bowman

By Kirk S. Bowman

Do 3rd international international locations make the most of having huge militaries, or does this hamper their improvement? Kirk Bowman makes use of statistical research to illustrate that militarization has had a very malignant influence during this quarter. For his quantitative comparability he attracts on longitudinal information for a pattern of seventy six constructing international locations and for 18 Latin American nations.

To remove darkness from the causal mechanisms at paintings, Bowman deals a close comparability of Costa Rica and Honduras among 1948 and 1998. The case experiences not just serve to reinforce his basic argument in regards to the damaging results of militarization but in addition offer many new insights into the strategies of democratic consolidation and monetary transformation in those important American countries.

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Extra resources for Militarization, Democracy, and Development: The Perils of Praetorianism in Latin America

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While Andreski acknowledges that large militaries may lead to improvements in education and technical skills in the soldiers (34–35), the real linkage between MPR and reduced stratification is warfare: ‘‘A war, particularly when the very survival of the state is at stake, produces an adaptation to the requirements of bellic efficiency, whose nature depends above all on the techniques of warfare. The need for efficiency may impose considerable leveling of social inequalities, as well as an increase in vertical mobility’’ (196).

I provide a simple typology of Third World militaries to help develop an explanation for why the effect of militarization on development is more malignant in Latin America than in other regions of the developing world. What is militarization and demilitarization? Militarization’s primary definition is the expansion or relative size of some integral part, scope, or mission of the armed forces and may be observed in the size of the budget, the number of soldiers, and the training, equipping, war-readiness, and institutionalization of the armed forces.

I show how a greatly reduced military budget and a decision to pursue citizen-centric security rather than doctrines of national security in Costa Militarization and Development Rica resulted in the state capacity and resources to transform the economy after the crisis of the early 1980s. In the rest of the Central American isthmus, the quest for internal security led to increased militarization during the Cold War. Large portions of the budget that could have gone to economic restructuring and infrastructure were consumed by the armed forces.

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